miércoles, 29 de abril de 2009

Lo social

Abusando de nuestra amistad con C.S., volvemos a recurrir a él para que nos aclare un poco el panorama.





A idéia contemporânea do "social"

Carlos Sávio G . Teixeira

A grande questão política e intelectual deste início de milênio continua sendo: é possível reconstruir as sociedades para que elas consigam ir além das conquistas alcançadas pelas socialdemocracias? As características mais marcantes das socialdemocracias são a acomodação diante do sistema institucional existente e a adoção de práticas de compensação social para amenizar os conflitos no interior da ordem social.O arranjo político que propiciou a emergência da socialdemocracia se baseou em um acordo para que as forças contestadoras - tendo a seu favor a ameaça do avanço do comunismo - negociassem o abandono do esforço de reorganizar a produção e a política em troca da possibilidade de reforma social da sociedade por meio de práticas de redistribuição. O problema é que este contrato socialdemocrata dá mostras de que chegou aos seus limites.

A exaustão socialdemocrata exige, para ser superada, a recuperação da idéia de futuros alternativos para as sociedades. Mas o problema é que os instrumentos com que pensar as alternativas estão bloqueados pela herança recebida das grandes narrativas teóricas dos séculos XIX e XX, que exerceram e ainda exercem enorme influência sobre a política contemporânea. A idéia mais importante desta tradição intelectual é a de que as sociedades enfrentam grandes alternativas estruturais: o que parece ser um conjunto eterno de leis sociais é, de acordo com esta idéia, apenas um conjunto de leis de uma forma específica de organização social e econômica. Ela define como particular aquilo que seria universal.Mas a esta idéia metodológica antinaturalista das grandes teorias sociais foi acoplado um conjunto de premissas fatalistas que lhes roubaram o poder transformador. Primeiro, a concepção de que há uma lista fechada de alternativas estruturais na história, como o feudalismo, o capitalismo e o socialismo. Segundo, a concepção de que cada um desses sistemas institucionais é indivisível e que, portanto, toda a prática política ou é a reforma trivial de um desses sistemas ou a substituição revolucionária de um por outro. E, terceiro, a busca de leis que moveriam a sucessão preestabelecida desses sistemas. Estas premissas atrapalharam e continuam atrapalhando a prática transformadora.

Por outro lado, na ciência social positiva, sobretudo na que é praticada na academia dos Estados Unidos e em seus satélites, o determinismo é abandonado ao preço da desconsideração das alternativas estruturais. Essa ciência social se esforça para naturalizar o existente, retirando da história o seu cunho chocante, surpreendente, absurdo, violento,que seria a tarefa de toda ciência social realista reconhecer e explicar. O grande desafio de nosso momento histórico está, portanto, no resgate da idéia de que a sociedade é um artefato, resultado de uma construção e de que esta construção pode ser alterada nos seus pressupostos institucionais e ideológicos. Para realizar esta tarefa é preciso rejeitar a herança política e intelectual do século XX. Ela forjou uma situação na qual todo o campo das idéias sociais está hoje dominado pelas práticas intelectuais da racionalização e da humanização.

A racionalização sugere que as práticas e as instituições estabelecidas são necessárias e inevitáveis e, dessa forma, liga o trabalho da inteligência à apologia da realidade. Nenhuma área do estudo social evidencia mais explicitamente essa tendência do que a economia. Já a humanização sugere meios para atenuar os efeitos das desigualdades. O resultado é o predomínio, no debate de políticas públicas, da ênfase em ações sociais compensatórias para redimir a desumanidade do mercado. Significa ganhar a capacidade de humanizar a situação existente em troca do desarmamento da capacidade de reorganizar a sociedade. Esta é a idéia predominante na teoria jurídica e na filosofia política atuais. A solução é a compreensão de que a troca de passividade institucional por compensação social não funciona. A política social não é ramo da caridade, é espaço da política. Investir no social sem mudar as instituições não constrói cidadania.

miércoles, 22 de abril de 2009

Año

("Le Serment des Horaces" de Jacques-Louis David)

Inspiración. Carta. Ayuda. Solidaridad. Esfuerzo. Fe. Alegría. Sorpresa. Sueños. Tiempos. Peleas. Agendas. Viajes. Proyectos. Dudas. Cansancio. Deslumbramientos. Idiotez. Argentinidades. Amistades. Renovaciones. Política. Confirmaciones. Decepciones. Intereses. Instintos. Mezquindades. Abusos. Desgano. Futuro. Ideas. Libros. Poder. Pasado. Dinero. Trabajo. Radio. Almuerzo. Presente. Fundación. Cena. Negocios. Televisión. Embajada. Enemigos. Corrupción. Fuerzas. Intentos. Progreso. Ida. Universidad. Vuelta. Realidad. Fantasía. Websites. Homenajes. Juramento… En una palabra: LUCHA.


La promesa de una lucha de muchos años.

GLS

miércoles, 15 de abril de 2009

The Future of Religion and the Religion of the Future


Ese es el título de dos palestras que RMU estará dando hoy y mañana en Stanford, en el marco de las
Tanner Lectures on Human Values. Se trata de una una serie de conferencias sobre humanidades, iniciada por O. C. Tanner en 1978. Estamos a la caza de los correspondientes papers.


GLS

lunes, 13 de abril de 2009

Principios del desarrollo




Hace unos años, RMU dictó un seminario junto a Dani Rodrik. Para esa ocasión, prepararon una serie de trabajos muy cortos. Uno de ellos era simplemente una lista de principios "respetables " sobre el desarrolllo, seguida por una lista de principios "execrables". Ahi van:

Thinking about development: respectable and accursed principles

Roberto Mangabeira Unger


The respectable principles

1. Avoid deficits both in the budget of the government and in the external accounts. Do not live beyond your means, except if:
a. You use the borrowed means effectively to fund an increase of productive capacity;
b. You need to break a low-level equilibrium of economic activity, shaped by inadequate willingness to spend and invest.
c. You are the hegemonic power (i.e. the United States), and can live for a long time off other people's money as well as off your own.

2. Do not debase the currency. Be sure the monetary authorities are independent and committed to price stability.

3. In general, prefer to achieve fiscal balance by limiting public spending rather than by increasing the tax take. Lighten the burden of taxation on economic activity both by preferring taxes that are relatively neutral in their economic impact (e.g., the VAT) and by limiting the aggregate tax yield.

4. In every area of economic, social. and political life, adopt some version of the best available practices and institutions, as they are now established in the United States and Western Europe.

5. In particular, consolidate the classic institutions of private property, and make them available, with a minimum of cost and red tape, to the largest number of people. Get the government out of the business of producing things.

6. Preserve incentives to work, save, and invest, and avoid distortions of price signals.

8. Encourage competition, both domestic and international Develop free trade as rapidly and as broadly as possible..

9. Maintain hard budget constraints, at both the national and the enterprise levels.

10. Spurn administrative arrangements susceptible to rent-seeking. Do not try to "pick winners" through a directed trade and industrial policy. Prefer rule-bound, arm's-length regulation to the discretionary allocation of support.

11. Regulate the banks carefully, and ensure their transparency to depositors as well as to regulators. Develop an orderly capital market that can help attract saving and channel funds to the most efficient users.

12. Move prudently toward an opening of the capital account. Be sure your financial and regulatory institutions are ready.

13. Adopt a floating exchange-rate regime or, in special circumstances, a fixed peg to a major world currency or
currencies. Avoid intermediate solutions in the design of the exchange regime.

14. Do not try to raise the real value of the wage above the rate of productivity growth in your economy. Move toward flexibility in labor markets.

15. Strive for clean government and for a judiciary capable of enforcing contracts.

16. Run a public administration that is lean but able, staffed by a qualified and well-compensated career public service.

17. Give high priority to broad-based investment in education and to the development of social-safety nets.

18. Direct social spending to the people who most need it , and prevent it from being squandered on relatively privileged groups.

19. Above all, win and maintain the confidence of the people at home and abroad who have the money.

20. Send your young economists, lawyers, and bureaucrats to study at Harvard (the better to grasp the respectable principles), or, when that is not possible, to the closest available equivalent.



The accursed principles

1. Treat markets as a simplified form of cooperation among strangers (impossible when there is no trust and unnecessary when there is high trust), rather than treating cooperative practices as localized responses to market failures.

2. Prefer those cooperative regimes that are more hospitable to innovation. Recognize cooperation and innovation as twin but conflicting requirements of economic growth and look how to moderate their interference with each other.

3. Look for economic and political institutions that can expand access to productive resources and institutions, even when the development of such institutions may set you an a path of cumulative divergence from the arrangements now established in the rich North Atlantic world. Understand that the market economy, like representative democracy or free civil society, lacks a natural and necessary institutional form. Treat the coexistence and conflict of alternative institutional forms of economic, political, and social pluralism as a practical and moral opportunity for all humanity as well as for each nation.

4. Reject, as self-defeating, populist and authoritarian shortcuts to socially inclusive economic growth. Incorporate most of the respectable principles, but change their meaning by combining them with these accursed principles.

5. Ensure the conditions for mobilizing the resources of the country and defying the whims of the international capital markets:
a. high, mandatory pension saving;
b high tax yield, with minimal trauma to relative prices and incentives (i.e., initial reliance on regressive taxation, with redistributive correction achieved on the spending side of the budget);
c. the stick: selective controls of capital movements;
d. the carrot: tightening of links between saving and production, both within capital markets (e.g. protection of minority shareholders) and outside them (independent public and private venture capital funds).

6. Prefer democratizing the market to merely regulating it or compensating, through retrospective transfers, for gross inequalities. Find institutionalized ways to give more people access, in more ways, to productive resources and opportunities.

7. Seek to challenge and overcome economic dualism -- the deep separation between productive vanguards and rearguards -- by lifting up the rearguards and tightening their links with the vanguards. Press to generalize advanced economic practices (flattened hierarchies, cooperative competition, production as learning and permanent innovation) beyond the frontiers of the present capital and knowledge-intensive vanguards. Do so by encouraging cooperative competition among networks of small and medium firms as well as by establishing decentralized partnerships between government and existing or emerging private enterprise.

8. By such partnerships, give practical effect to the idea of a modest economic independence for the little guy, while distinguishing this idea from the limited vehicle of isolated small business.

9. In this context, reintroduce public enterprise whenever useful as a temporary tool, not as the expression of an ideological principle. However, impose hard budget constraints on all public enterprises, and make them independent and competitive.

10. In the established private economy, impose “capitalism” on “capitalists.” Break up oligopolies, and undermine family control of big business.

11. Prefer capacity-giving economic and educational endowments (including some form of asset redistribution) to compensatory transfers. Give everyone a capacity-enhancing stake in the economic order.

12. Discard the dogma that the value of the real wage cannot rise above the level of productivity growth. Raise the value of the wage by a combination of democratic deepening, institutional changes (enhancing labor rights without creating a division between insiders and outsiders) and educational, skill-enhancing initiatives.

13. Prefer a strategy of economic growth that combines export orientation with a deepening of the domestic market, achieved through (a) expansion of the social base of advanced production and learning; (b) decentralized, pluralistic, rule-bound, and performance-based coordination between government and private enterprise; (c) resistance to making competitiveness depend on continuing wage repression; (d) selective engagement with the world economy on terms compatible with the national project.

14. Do not accept the identification of free trade with the system now organized by the dominant powers. Agitate to change the rules. Base the agitation on national heresies and on pressure applied by the heretical powers both to (a) prevent the world system from entrenching as vested rights the interests of the dominant powers (interests reflected, for example, in the aggressive expansion of intellectual property rights, the exemption of first-world agriculture, and the grandfathering of first-world export subsidies) and (b) make the system more supportive of altenative national ways (either the many ways or the second way to the many ways).

15. In the organization of the world economy, struggle to diminish, by small but cumulative steps, the contrast between the mobility of capital and the immobility of labor.

16. Deny conclusive force to arguments of the form: any policy involving differential treatment (for example, differential tariffs or differential interest rates) may be best in theory but will not be best in practice, because all selectivity is an invitation to the marriage of dogmatism with favoritism. Refuse the choice between "laissez-faire" and collusion. To escape this Hobson's choice, forge the instruments for a decentralized coordination between government and private enterprise. And change the background conditions and constraints shaping the relation of government to the economy and the society (theses 17 and 18).

17. Do not count on policy makers. Count on politics. Work toward a high-energy but institutionalized politics, marked by a high level of civic engagement and the rapid resolution of impasse between branches of government.

18. Favor a more general, more equal, and more independent organization of civil society as a counterpart to the democratizing of the market and the deepening of democracy. Supplement the traditional devices of private law by a public-law framework for the organization of civil society outside the state.

19. Seek in all things creative and productive power, with the broadest possible social base, and sacrifice, when necessary, the confidence of international finance to the needs of the real economy. To this end, take advantage of contradictions among domestic as well as foreign interests (for example, differences between the interests or the prejudices of financial and industrial capital). Take care first, however, to put in place the conditions for a favorable outcome (high tax take and saving level, prospect for expansion of productive activity and opportunity, promising export strategies, selective capital controls).

20. Go to Harvard (or the equivalent) to master the respectable principles, and discover the accursed principles.

GLS

miércoles, 8 de abril de 2009

Христос Bоскрес


Воїстину воскрес!

(Es lo único que importa.)

GLS

Histórico


Siendo que este espacio ya rumbeó para el transitado lado de los tomates, aprovecho para expresar mi felicidad por el histórico evento del viernes próximo: Iorio y Lemmy, los colosos del metal pesado, se unen para reventar cabezas.

Comparto, en homenaje a las dos bandas más grandes del mundo, un par de letras inspiradoras, aunque crudas.

GLS

Por nacer - (Almafuerte)

Por nacer, en este suelo,
hice un pacto yo con Dios
o tal vez fue con el diablo, no lo sé.
Sólo recuerdo el mandato decidor,
de no callar lo que tanto se calló.

Después, parece no importarle
a quién parece no sentir.
Tal vez, porque guardando el pan
se cree dueño del buen vivir.

Pobre de él, el orejero cipayo del patrón.
De quien decreto o palazo manda sean ley.
Por mantener a resguardo el botín,
de los que matan con hambrea la nación.

Donde yo, soñando estoy morir
como quién soñando está crecer

Después, parece no importarle
a quien parece no sentir.
Tal vez prefiere olvidar,
por bien de su propio existir.

March or Die - (Motorhead)

The beast behind our eyes is loose,
The day has come, the day has come,
We march to Armageddon,
hungry for the war.

I see the hated enemy,
I see what I was taught to see.
And one of us will bend the knee.
We understand the law.

The blood lust jerks our legs to march.
Fife and drum, fife and drum.
Our eyes are fixed and fearless,
searching for the war.

Our statesmen deal in blood and lies,
100 million stifled cries,
100 million wasted lives
already gone before.

So March or Die, March or Die.
The stench of death is in the sky.
We never fail to satisfy.
We rend with tooth and claw.

Sword and shield and jackboot heel
We love to kill, we love to kill.
We love to taste our own blood
squirm in our own gore.

Children weep and widows wail.
Our education systems fail.
To hide our guilt we build more jails
and we shall build still more.

Our forests die, the stranglehold
that we put on the earth for gold
will yet increase ten thousand fold.
And no one knows what for.

March and die, March and die.
Defecate, despoil and lie.
Cheat, dissemble, preach & spy.
Build your house of straw.

Laugh and cry, laugh and cry.
Bloody sunset drowns the sky
for earth to heal then we must die.
No-one deserves it more.

I tell you we are doomed my friends.
Our time is come, our time is come.
We live within a charnel house,
rotten to the core.

We glorify lust, greed & pain.
We drown our hope in poison rain.
We point the finger, shift the blame.
Ambition makes us whores.

March or croak, march or croak.
All your lives a cosmic joke.
Fill your days with piss and smoke.
The wolf waits at your door.

Burn and dance, burn and dance.
Sex, death, torture, false romance.
Whoop and howl, you have no chance.
Burn and rise no more.

El aviso de un grande


Un día de 1942, en el diario “La Prensa”, apareció el siguiente clasificado:

"Caballero argentino, casado, de 44 años, con amplias relaciones, estudios universitarios, técnicos, una vasta cultura general, científica, literaria y filosófica, con experiencia general y profunda de nuestro ambiente económico y político, ex redactor de los principales diarios, autor de varios libros premiados y de investigaciones, aceptaría dirección, administración o consulta de empresa argentina, en planta o en proyecto, en los órdenes industria, comercial o agrario. Dirigirse a Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz, Calle Vergara 1355, Vicente López".

Voy a estar en deuda siempre con Norberto Galasso, aunque hoy por hoy rechazo sus posturas, por haber comentado esa anécdota y por haber reflexionado así:

“¿Por qué R.S.O pide trabajo y es desconocido para el público en general? ¿Por qué no tiene donde expresarse. Es un maldito y él era consciente que eso se produciría: aislamiento, boicot, marginalidad, etc. El había descubierto algo importante y sabía lo que le ocurriría. Fue conscientemente al silenciamiento.”

GLS

Devaneo


Como no puede ir a verlos, compenso la frustración desnaturalizando el propósito para el cual este espacio fue creado.
GLS

martes, 7 de abril de 2009

La globalización (a veces) no se mancha


Simpático el artículo de Dani Rodrik que recientemente encontramos en su blog. Veamos cómo el turco -que no es Asís- utiliza a la pasión de multitudes para presentar los potenciales beneficios de la globalización. Fobal!! Fobal!! Foobaaall!!!

GLS

Globalization and the Beautiful GameEnlace

March 2008

How does globalization reshape wealth and opportunity around the world? Is it mainly a force for good, enabling poor nations to lift themselves up from poverty by taking part in global markets? Or is it mainly an unequalizing force, creating vast opportunities for a small minority while leaving the rest out in the cold?

If you want to understand these questions, look no further than soccer. Ever since European clubs loosened restrictions on the number of foreign players, the game has become truly global. African players, in particular, have become ubiquitous on the scene, supplementing the usual retinue of Brazilians and Argentines. Indeed, the foreign presence in soccer surpasses anything that we see in other areas of international commerce. Arsenal, which currently tops the English Premier League, has a first eleven that typically does not include a single British player. If you put together all the English players on the roster of the four English clubs which recently advanced to the final 16 of the UEFA Champions’ League, you would hardly be able to field a single team.

There is little doubt that foreign players greatly enhance the quality of play in the European club championships. Europe's soccer scene would not be half as exciting without strikers such as Cote d’Ivoire’s Didier Drogba (playing with Chelsea) or Cameroun’s Samuel Eto'o (with Barcelona). The benefits to African talent are easy to see too. African players are able to earn much more money by marketing their skills to European clubs—not just the top clubs in the Premiership or the Spanish Primera Liga, but the countless nouveau-riche clubs in Russia, Ukraine or Turkey.
Sure, the international mobility of soccer players has no doubt increased the earnings gap between stars such as Drogba and Eto’o and their compatriots back home. This is part and parcel of globalization too: enhanced global economic opportunities lead to wider disparities between those who have the skill or the luck to take advantage of these opportunities, and those who do not. But this kind of inequality is not necessarily a bad thing. It makes some people better off without making others worse off.

So is soccer globalization win-win? Not necessarily, because soccer enthusiasts care about country as well as club, and here the consequences of the global mobility of talent are not as straightforward. Many fear that the quality of national teams is affected negatively by the availability of foreign players. Why invest in breeding grounds for local talent if you can simply hire them from abroad?

England once again provides an apt illustration. Many have blamed the country’s failure to qualify for this summer’s European national championship on the preponderance of foreign players in English club teams. And there is a broader backlash under way as well. Sepp Blatter, the president of soccer’s global governing body (FIFA), has been pushing a plan to introduce quotas on the number of foreign players that club teams would be allowed to have on the field: he wants no more than five.

What about the impact on African countries? What has the exodus of players done to their domestic leagues and the enjoyment of African fans? No doubt the globalization of soccer has increased the quality of many African national teams relative to European national teams. After all, countries such as Cameroon and Cote d’Ivoire nowadays field teams that include some of the very top players in European clubs. On the other hand, globalization probably also has reduced the quality of domestic leagues in Africa relative to club play in Europe.

Is the typical resident of Yaoundé better or worse off as a result? The decline in the quality of domestic play is perhaps not a big deal if you can afford a cable connection that allows you to tune in to the English Premier League every weekend. But otherwise, you are entitled to feel that globalization has left you out in the cold.

The 2008 Africa Cup of Nations, held in Ghana during January and February, revealed the two-way interdependence that the globalization of soccer has created. Many European clubs were left without their star players, as those players were called on to national-team duty. For their part, the African players grumbled that their absence from Europe reduced their commercial opportunities during a crucial period of league play.

But the most important lesson revealed by the Africa Cup is that successful nations are those that combine globalization’s opportunities with strong domestic foundations. For the winner of the cup was not Cameroun or Cote d’Ivoire or any of the other African teams with loads of star players from European leagues, but Egypt—a country where only 4 players (out of a roster of 23) play in Europe. By contrast, Cameroun, whom Egypt beat in the final, featured just a single player from a domestic club, and 20 from European clubs. Few of the Egyptian players would have been familiar to Europeans who watched that game, but Egypt played much better and deserved to win. And it wasn’t a fluke either: Egypt is the most successful national team in the tournament, and had won the African cup five times previously.

The lesson is not that embracing globalized soccer is a bad thing. If that was the key, Sudan, which has no players in Europe, would have done really well. Instead, it was the least successful team of the tournament (along with Benin), losing all three games it played.

The real lesson is that if you are going to take full advantage of globalization, you need to develop domestic capabilities along with international links. What makes the difference for Egypt is that the country has a strong domestic league, which fosters depth of talent and coherence as a national team.

And so it is with the champions of globalizations in other arenas. What sets apart the Chinas and Indias of this world is not that they have laid themselves bare to the forces of globalization, but that they have used those forces to enhance their domestic industrial and productive capacities. The benefits of globalization come to those that do their homework.

Dani Rodrik

lunes, 6 de abril de 2009

Aporte


El amigo Carlos Savio nos manda su reseña de "O que a esquerda deve propor"

A esquerda que diviniza

Em um pequeno, porém, brilhante e marcante artigo (Folha de SP, 01/12/98) Mangabeira resume o enredo de um dos mais espetaculares romances da literatura mundial, D. Quixote de la Mancha. Fala-nos de Quixote, um homem franzino, que recusa a inevitabilidade da pequenez e quer ser grande. Ele vê no sacrifício e no enfrentamento o caminho que leva à grandeza. Apesar de suas ilusões, consegue achar alguém que nele acredite; é Sancho que irá se transformar em seu fiel escudeiro, deixando-se seduzir pelas suas fantasias. Convidado para compartilhar grandes aventuras, os dois travam lutas fantásticas, no plano da realidade e principalmente da fantasia. Algumas esse homem sonhador ganha, outras tantas perde e empata em muitas. No final, trazido de volta para casa, "adoece, delira, conclui que se iludira e morre". Antes, no entanto, no decorrer do périplo maravilhoso, Quixote começa a "sanchificar-se" e Sancho a "quixotizar-se". Ambos, afinal, lutam pela mesma coisa, o trabalho do amor e da imaginação diante da morte. Reconhecem o descompasso entre as circunstâncias amesquinhadoras em que todos vivemos e o desejo infinito do infinito. Carrega significado especial para sociedade e cultura como as nossas, que dificultam e desautorizam toda tentativa de virar as costas para que se pode ver e tocar.

Embora este novo livro de Mangabeira seja dirigido ao mundo, é possível que ele tenha sido pensado tendo à sociedade brasileira como horizonte. Em seus trabalhos sobre o Brasil, Mangabeira persevera na idéia de que há um rumo diferente do atual para o país. Mas supõe que uma alternativa nacional só pode vingar à luz de uma ortodoxia universalizante que combata, sem tréguas, a "ortodoxia universal" dominante. Investe, portanto, contra uma vasta literatura que, entre nós, recusa-se a pensar o novo, mesmo que para isso tantas criem moinhos de vento para justificar a ausência da audácia criadora. Não se detém na vertente conservadora, porque essa já capitulou antes mesmo de começar a lutar. Lança-se contra pretensos reformistas, progressistas de toda sorte, falsos revolucionários, que "interpretam" o Brasil com olhos estrangeiros. Mangabeira examina, analisa, faz o diagnóstico, e propõe um esquema de enfrentamento, fundamentado na construção pretérita de sua argumentação teórica. Na melhor tradição do pensamento moderno e contemporâneo, entre os séculos XVII e XIX, propõe ação transformadora, passando ao largo do niilismo pós-moderno.

Advoga, desse modo, a construção de um pensamento radical voltado à imaginação das instituições alternativas, tarefa tão desprezada pelas duas principais correntes teóricas no país. Os formados no âmbito das ciências sociais de corte norte-americano sonham com a repetição de condições e etapas que, no mundo central, conduziram ao desenvolvimento e à superação de estruturas obsoletas. Os que bebem na tradição marxista de extração européia parecem, a cada conjuntura, ou ficarem perplexos com o fenômeno da "reprodução das estruturas" (parece que ad infinitum, diga-se). Ou, então, parecem apalermados pela incapacidade do país trilhar o périplo revolucionário. Entre um limite e outro reina a confusão teórica e a falta de rigor conceitual, enquanto o doente paralisado aguarda soluções que não chegam.

As propostas de Mangabeira visam atingir dois grandes conjuntos de objetivos. De um lado, construir instituições que se abra para o experimentalismo permanente das práticas sociais e, de outro, em decorrência e paralelamente a isso, realizar o mais nobre ideal moderno: engrandecer os homens e as mulheres comuns. Esta obra, uma vez iniciada, permitirá que a esquerda novamente vislumbre a sua grande ambição: tornar a humanidade divinizada - ao invés de apenas humanizar a sociedade.

Carlos Sávio G. Teixeira (cientista político)

viernes, 3 de abril de 2009

2 de abril, Prometeo y el fragote permanente


Viví el día de ayer con mucha emoción. Primero, el recuerdo de aquel día en que mi mamá me vino a buscar a la escuela, me calzó una escarapela y me dijo que muy al sur había ocurrido un milagro. Después, el aniversario de la muerte de alguien que tuvo mucha influencia en mi vida y quien fue un hombre extraordinario, a pesar de no considerarlo yo el portavoz de Dios en la tierra. Finalmente, la despedida popular a un gran líder nacional.

Quizás el homenaje a Alfonsín más efectivo en términos políticos lo hizo Rodolfo Terragno, quién además de escribir esto, comentó el gesto de confianza que el presidente tuvo cuando lo llamó como ministro y lo puso a manejar una enorme parte del presupuesto nacional y más de la mitad de los empleos públicos.

Pero sin dudas el homenaje más poético lo realizó un dirigente de la UCR bonaerense, cuyo nombre no retuve, quien comparo a Alfonsín con Prometeo, personaje que se aventuró a sacarles el fuego a los dioses y dárselo a los humanos. ¿No es eso la esencia del experimentalismo democrático?
La analogía puede continuar hasta la parte en que a Prometeo, como a Alfonsín, le comieron el hígado. Es que parece que somos así.
De hecho, terminé el día escuchando a un periodista que cubrió la guerra de Malvinas que relataba como se estaba preparando un golpe contra mario benjamín, cuando ya se podía ver a la distancia la artillería inglesa, para poner al mejor soldado como gobernador de las islas. Aparentemente, el soldado mismo frenó el intento.
Pero la moraleja es clara: el impulso fratricida no se detiene ni siquiera cuando los de afuera nos están por devorar.

GLS

Otra


Me averguenza no haberme enterado antes de que hace unos días había fallecido Arturo Peña Lillo, un pilar en el que se sostuvo el pensamiento nacional mucho años. Cada vez más solos...
GLS

jueves, 2 de abril de 2009

Visión del significado de las lágrimas derramadas por la muerte de R.A.

"Padre de la democracia", lo bautizó en las últimas horas el pueblo argentino; "abogado de la libertad", lo apodó el ex Presidente de Brasil José Sarney en su visita al país. Raúl R. Alfonsín fue probablemente el único personaje de la historia argentina reciente que logró unir a un pueblo que en estos días está profundamente dividido, recibiendo los respetos de correligionarios y opositores que se cansaron de dedicarle palabras de afecto y reconocimiento.

Yo nací en democracia, es algo de lo que estoy feliz. De chico aprendí que el ex Presidente Alfonsín era uno de los responsables de que hayamos recuperado la libertad de elegir a nuestros representantes... Ahora bien, estoy seguro de que no fue el único y estoy seguro de que, hasta hace no mucho tiempo, el pueblo argentino no le reconocía tan expresamente su importante rol en el proceso más trágico de la historia nacional. Y por todo eso me hago una pregunta ¿Qué hizo que miles de ciudadanos comunes, políticos y clérigos de Argentina y de muchas otras partes del mundo lloren en estos días la extinción de este gran líder? Y me animo, como de costumbre, a ensayar una respuesta...

De acuerdo o en contraposición con sus ideas, es innegable que Alfonsín poseía dos atributos (entre muchos otros) que en nuestra política hoy no abundan:

Instrucción es la primera, acompañada por la capacidad de dialogar y consensuar. El ex Presidente era uno de los pocos hombres políticos con una sólida formación intelectual, que se manifestaba no sólo en su brillante oratoria sino también en su sed de diálogo con los más destacados intelectuales del país. Los invito a que hagan el ejercicio de pensar en un dirigente que hoy cumpla con esta combinación de atributos y me atrevo a adelantarme a las conclusiones... Muy pocos!

La segunda es la capacidad de pacificar. Ya sea por el momento histórico en que gobernó o por cualquier otra causa, Alfonsín juzgó cuando hubo que juzgar, negoció cuando tuvo que hacerlo (en política exterior se avanzó en erradicar la hipótesis de conflicto con Brasil y se evitó una guerra con Chile) y echó mantos de paz cuando fue necesario, aún frente a los levantamientos que quisieron interrumpir una vez más con la democracia.

En momentos en que el país parece no encontrar políticos (salvo raros espacios a los que se tilda injustificadamente de opositores irresponsables) que debatan seriamente en base a programas y propuestas concretas; y al mismo tiempo en el marco de un conflicto que divide profundamente a la sociedad, por la falsa necesidad de encontrar siempre un enemigo, me pregunto ¿No serán estos atributos, que Alfonsín tenía tan marcados, los que reclama la sociedad? ¿No estarán esas lágrimas pidiendo en realidad más políticos de la talla del ex Presidente? Ojalá sepamos, con las elecciones a pocos meses, interpretar el dolor del pueblo argentino por la muerte de Raúl R. Alfonsín (QEPD).

NOP.

miércoles, 1 de abril de 2009

Pérdida


Hace unos días S. me contaba que cuando era un chico su mamá solía despertarlo diciéndole que empezara su día con alegría y esperanza, porque R.A. estaba en el gobierno. Yo también era chico en esa época. Los discursos de la primavera del 83’ me emocionaban profundamente. Entonces pensaba que ese tipo de comunicación sería una realidad permanente en mi país. También pensaba que siempre llenaríamos, unos y otros, la 9 de Julio cada vez que hubiera algo importante por decidirse.

Le agradezco a R.A. por esos rasgos de mi infancia, época que en un sentido era, paralelamente, la infancia democrática del país. Le agradezco por esas emociones. Por haberme enseñado el Preámbulo sin siquiera yo saber que se trataba del Preámbulo. Le agradezco por la grandeza que demostró en aquellas circunstancias en las que es tan difícil demostrarla, pero que a la vez son las únicas ocasiones para hacerlo: cuando somos débiles y se nos castiga. Le agradezco por sus ideas e intenciones, incluso las no concretadas.

Cuando con la democracia demos de comer, curemos y eduquemos, este agradecimiento y los miles que hoy se apilan tendrán algún valor.

GLS