viernes, 19 de junio de 2009

Él es la bandera



Al acercanos a un nuevo aniversario de la muerte de uno de nuestros compatriotas más grandes, recurro, como forma de homenajearlo, a un artículo de un notable justiciero historiográfico.

GLS



Belgrano no fue un costurero
Rodolfo Terragno

Visionario y hombre de acción, Belgrano es recordado por haber mandado a coser géneros de dos colores. En Estados Unidos se dice que la bandera la diseñó una costurera de Filadelfia. En la Argentina, se atribuye el “mérito” a un hombre de quien se olvida lo principal: concibió el primer plan económico, hizo la Revolución y ganó las principales batallas de la Guerra de la Independencia

La historia argentina está cargada de injusticias.

Esta es una de las mayores.

Un padre de la Patria —visionario y hacedor— es recordado por el más insignificante de sus méritos: haber mandado a hacer una bandera.

La creadora del pabellón norteamericano fue Betsy Ross, una costurera de Filadelfia. A nadie se le ocurre rendirle pleitesía por haber juntado unas barras y unas estrellas: un diseño, al menos, más imaginativo que el de la elemental bandera argentina.

El estandarte que Belgrano creó en 1812 no fue, siquiera, símbolo de independencia.
Celeste y blanco eran los colores borbónicos. Goya inmortalizó a Carlos IV y Fernando VII luciendo, sobre sus pechos, bandas idénticas a las que hoy usan los presidentes argentinos.
Manuel Joaquín del Corazón de Jesús Belgrano estudió leyes en Salamanca, pero tenía todo aquello que Salamanca non presta.

Fue él quien elaboró el primer plan de desarrollo económico del Río de la Plata.

Imaginó cómo expandir la agricultura, fomentar el comercio e introducir nuevas industrias.

Comprendió —anticipándose a Alberdi— que el país estaba “vacío” y había que poblarlo.

Comprendió —anticipándose a Sarmiento— que sólo un pueblo cultivado podía “conocer y amar la libertad”; y bregó por la difusión del libro, “maestro sin pereza”.

No fue, sin embargo, un mero planificador.

Sabía que —así como la acción sin ideas es vicio de políticos— la idea sin acción es vicio de intelectuales.

Cuando los británicos invadieron Buenos Aires, tomó las armas y, en 1807, sirvió como oficial de Patricios a las órdenes de Santiago de Liniers.

Secretario de la Primera Junta, luego se improvisaría como militar para triunfar en las dos mayores batallas de la Independencia:

Tucumán (1.800 criollos contra 3.200 realistas)
Salta (3.000 criollos contra 3.400 realistas).

El exitismo argentino terminó condenando a Belgrano porque, después de aquellas victorias, no pudo con 3.000 realistas en Vilcapugio y 3.500 en Ayohuma.

Sin embargo, nadie puede menospreciar su rol libertador.

San Martín —grande por su campaña continental— libró en el territorio argentino apenas un combate que, comparado a las batallas belgranianas, aparece como una refriega: sus granaderos, apostados en el convento de San Carlos, emboscaron a 250 realistas que llegaban a buscar víveres.

Belgrano, el hombre que había asegurado la frontera jujeña y salvado a la Revolución, mereció el olvido por no haber salvado (como si hubiese sido fácil) el Alto Perú.

Cuando murió, el 20 de junio de 1820, era una figura desdibujada.

Sólo un periódico le dedicó un breve obituario. Fue el Despertador Teo-Filantrópico, Místico-Político, editado por el sacerdote franciscano Francisco de Paula Castañeda.

Cuatro décadas después, Bartolomé Mitre hizo justicia: en 1859 apareció la primera edición de Historia de Belgrano y la Independencia Argentina.

Fue después de escribir la biografía de Belgrano que Mitre redactó su Historia de San Martín y la Emancipación Sudamericana (1877).

En los dos títulos se resumía la diferencia entre dos hombres insignes.

San Martín, el vencedor de Maipú y Chacabuco, el conquistador de Lima, fue el genial libertador itinerante.

Belgrano fue la gran figura de la independencia vernácula.

La bandera no tiene la menor importancia.

miércoles, 29 de abril de 2009

Lo social

Abusando de nuestra amistad con C.S., volvemos a recurrir a él para que nos aclare un poco el panorama.





A idéia contemporânea do "social"

Carlos Sávio G . Teixeira

A grande questão política e intelectual deste início de milênio continua sendo: é possível reconstruir as sociedades para que elas consigam ir além das conquistas alcançadas pelas socialdemocracias? As características mais marcantes das socialdemocracias são a acomodação diante do sistema institucional existente e a adoção de práticas de compensação social para amenizar os conflitos no interior da ordem social.O arranjo político que propiciou a emergência da socialdemocracia se baseou em um acordo para que as forças contestadoras - tendo a seu favor a ameaça do avanço do comunismo - negociassem o abandono do esforço de reorganizar a produção e a política em troca da possibilidade de reforma social da sociedade por meio de práticas de redistribuição. O problema é que este contrato socialdemocrata dá mostras de que chegou aos seus limites.

A exaustão socialdemocrata exige, para ser superada, a recuperação da idéia de futuros alternativos para as sociedades. Mas o problema é que os instrumentos com que pensar as alternativas estão bloqueados pela herança recebida das grandes narrativas teóricas dos séculos XIX e XX, que exerceram e ainda exercem enorme influência sobre a política contemporânea. A idéia mais importante desta tradição intelectual é a de que as sociedades enfrentam grandes alternativas estruturais: o que parece ser um conjunto eterno de leis sociais é, de acordo com esta idéia, apenas um conjunto de leis de uma forma específica de organização social e econômica. Ela define como particular aquilo que seria universal.Mas a esta idéia metodológica antinaturalista das grandes teorias sociais foi acoplado um conjunto de premissas fatalistas que lhes roubaram o poder transformador. Primeiro, a concepção de que há uma lista fechada de alternativas estruturais na história, como o feudalismo, o capitalismo e o socialismo. Segundo, a concepção de que cada um desses sistemas institucionais é indivisível e que, portanto, toda a prática política ou é a reforma trivial de um desses sistemas ou a substituição revolucionária de um por outro. E, terceiro, a busca de leis que moveriam a sucessão preestabelecida desses sistemas. Estas premissas atrapalharam e continuam atrapalhando a prática transformadora.

Por outro lado, na ciência social positiva, sobretudo na que é praticada na academia dos Estados Unidos e em seus satélites, o determinismo é abandonado ao preço da desconsideração das alternativas estruturais. Essa ciência social se esforça para naturalizar o existente, retirando da história o seu cunho chocante, surpreendente, absurdo, violento,que seria a tarefa de toda ciência social realista reconhecer e explicar. O grande desafio de nosso momento histórico está, portanto, no resgate da idéia de que a sociedade é um artefato, resultado de uma construção e de que esta construção pode ser alterada nos seus pressupostos institucionais e ideológicos. Para realizar esta tarefa é preciso rejeitar a herança política e intelectual do século XX. Ela forjou uma situação na qual todo o campo das idéias sociais está hoje dominado pelas práticas intelectuais da racionalização e da humanização.

A racionalização sugere que as práticas e as instituições estabelecidas são necessárias e inevitáveis e, dessa forma, liga o trabalho da inteligência à apologia da realidade. Nenhuma área do estudo social evidencia mais explicitamente essa tendência do que a economia. Já a humanização sugere meios para atenuar os efeitos das desigualdades. O resultado é o predomínio, no debate de políticas públicas, da ênfase em ações sociais compensatórias para redimir a desumanidade do mercado. Significa ganhar a capacidade de humanizar a situação existente em troca do desarmamento da capacidade de reorganizar a sociedade. Esta é a idéia predominante na teoria jurídica e na filosofia política atuais. A solução é a compreensão de que a troca de passividade institucional por compensação social não funciona. A política social não é ramo da caridade, é espaço da política. Investir no social sem mudar as instituições não constrói cidadania.

miércoles, 22 de abril de 2009

Año

("Le Serment des Horaces" de Jacques-Louis David)

Inspiración. Carta. Ayuda. Solidaridad. Esfuerzo. Fe. Alegría. Sorpresa. Sueños. Tiempos. Peleas. Agendas. Viajes. Proyectos. Dudas. Cansancio. Deslumbramientos. Idiotez. Argentinidades. Amistades. Renovaciones. Política. Confirmaciones. Decepciones. Intereses. Instintos. Mezquindades. Abusos. Desgano. Futuro. Ideas. Libros. Poder. Pasado. Dinero. Trabajo. Radio. Almuerzo. Presente. Fundación. Cena. Negocios. Televisión. Embajada. Enemigos. Corrupción. Fuerzas. Intentos. Progreso. Ida. Universidad. Vuelta. Realidad. Fantasía. Websites. Homenajes. Juramento… En una palabra: LUCHA.


La promesa de una lucha de muchos años.

GLS

miércoles, 15 de abril de 2009

The Future of Religion and the Religion of the Future


Ese es el título de dos palestras que RMU estará dando hoy y mañana en Stanford, en el marco de las
Tanner Lectures on Human Values. Se trata de una una serie de conferencias sobre humanidades, iniciada por O. C. Tanner en 1978. Estamos a la caza de los correspondientes papers.


GLS

lunes, 13 de abril de 2009

Principios del desarrollo




Hace unos años, RMU dictó un seminario junto a Dani Rodrik. Para esa ocasión, prepararon una serie de trabajos muy cortos. Uno de ellos era simplemente una lista de principios "respetables " sobre el desarrolllo, seguida por una lista de principios "execrables". Ahi van:

Thinking about development: respectable and accursed principles

Roberto Mangabeira Unger


The respectable principles

1. Avoid deficits both in the budget of the government and in the external accounts. Do not live beyond your means, except if:
a. You use the borrowed means effectively to fund an increase of productive capacity;
b. You need to break a low-level equilibrium of economic activity, shaped by inadequate willingness to spend and invest.
c. You are the hegemonic power (i.e. the United States), and can live for a long time off other people's money as well as off your own.

2. Do not debase the currency. Be sure the monetary authorities are independent and committed to price stability.

3. In general, prefer to achieve fiscal balance by limiting public spending rather than by increasing the tax take. Lighten the burden of taxation on economic activity both by preferring taxes that are relatively neutral in their economic impact (e.g., the VAT) and by limiting the aggregate tax yield.

4. In every area of economic, social. and political life, adopt some version of the best available practices and institutions, as they are now established in the United States and Western Europe.

5. In particular, consolidate the classic institutions of private property, and make them available, with a minimum of cost and red tape, to the largest number of people. Get the government out of the business of producing things.

6. Preserve incentives to work, save, and invest, and avoid distortions of price signals.

8. Encourage competition, both domestic and international Develop free trade as rapidly and as broadly as possible..

9. Maintain hard budget constraints, at both the national and the enterprise levels.

10. Spurn administrative arrangements susceptible to rent-seeking. Do not try to "pick winners" through a directed trade and industrial policy. Prefer rule-bound, arm's-length regulation to the discretionary allocation of support.

11. Regulate the banks carefully, and ensure their transparency to depositors as well as to regulators. Develop an orderly capital market that can help attract saving and channel funds to the most efficient users.

12. Move prudently toward an opening of the capital account. Be sure your financial and regulatory institutions are ready.

13. Adopt a floating exchange-rate regime or, in special circumstances, a fixed peg to a major world currency or
currencies. Avoid intermediate solutions in the design of the exchange regime.

14. Do not try to raise the real value of the wage above the rate of productivity growth in your economy. Move toward flexibility in labor markets.

15. Strive for clean government and for a judiciary capable of enforcing contracts.

16. Run a public administration that is lean but able, staffed by a qualified and well-compensated career public service.

17. Give high priority to broad-based investment in education and to the development of social-safety nets.

18. Direct social spending to the people who most need it , and prevent it from being squandered on relatively privileged groups.

19. Above all, win and maintain the confidence of the people at home and abroad who have the money.

20. Send your young economists, lawyers, and bureaucrats to study at Harvard (the better to grasp the respectable principles), or, when that is not possible, to the closest available equivalent.



The accursed principles

1. Treat markets as a simplified form of cooperation among strangers (impossible when there is no trust and unnecessary when there is high trust), rather than treating cooperative practices as localized responses to market failures.

2. Prefer those cooperative regimes that are more hospitable to innovation. Recognize cooperation and innovation as twin but conflicting requirements of economic growth and look how to moderate their interference with each other.

3. Look for economic and political institutions that can expand access to productive resources and institutions, even when the development of such institutions may set you an a path of cumulative divergence from the arrangements now established in the rich North Atlantic world. Understand that the market economy, like representative democracy or free civil society, lacks a natural and necessary institutional form. Treat the coexistence and conflict of alternative institutional forms of economic, political, and social pluralism as a practical and moral opportunity for all humanity as well as for each nation.

4. Reject, as self-defeating, populist and authoritarian shortcuts to socially inclusive economic growth. Incorporate most of the respectable principles, but change their meaning by combining them with these accursed principles.

5. Ensure the conditions for mobilizing the resources of the country and defying the whims of the international capital markets:
a. high, mandatory pension saving;
b high tax yield, with minimal trauma to relative prices and incentives (i.e., initial reliance on regressive taxation, with redistributive correction achieved on the spending side of the budget);
c. the stick: selective controls of capital movements;
d. the carrot: tightening of links between saving and production, both within capital markets (e.g. protection of minority shareholders) and outside them (independent public and private venture capital funds).

6. Prefer democratizing the market to merely regulating it or compensating, through retrospective transfers, for gross inequalities. Find institutionalized ways to give more people access, in more ways, to productive resources and opportunities.

7. Seek to challenge and overcome economic dualism -- the deep separation between productive vanguards and rearguards -- by lifting up the rearguards and tightening their links with the vanguards. Press to generalize advanced economic practices (flattened hierarchies, cooperative competition, production as learning and permanent innovation) beyond the frontiers of the present capital and knowledge-intensive vanguards. Do so by encouraging cooperative competition among networks of small and medium firms as well as by establishing decentralized partnerships between government and existing or emerging private enterprise.

8. By such partnerships, give practical effect to the idea of a modest economic independence for the little guy, while distinguishing this idea from the limited vehicle of isolated small business.

9. In this context, reintroduce public enterprise whenever useful as a temporary tool, not as the expression of an ideological principle. However, impose hard budget constraints on all public enterprises, and make them independent and competitive.

10. In the established private economy, impose “capitalism” on “capitalists.” Break up oligopolies, and undermine family control of big business.

11. Prefer capacity-giving economic and educational endowments (including some form of asset redistribution) to compensatory transfers. Give everyone a capacity-enhancing stake in the economic order.

12. Discard the dogma that the value of the real wage cannot rise above the level of productivity growth. Raise the value of the wage by a combination of democratic deepening, institutional changes (enhancing labor rights without creating a division between insiders and outsiders) and educational, skill-enhancing initiatives.

13. Prefer a strategy of economic growth that combines export orientation with a deepening of the domestic market, achieved through (a) expansion of the social base of advanced production and learning; (b) decentralized, pluralistic, rule-bound, and performance-based coordination between government and private enterprise; (c) resistance to making competitiveness depend on continuing wage repression; (d) selective engagement with the world economy on terms compatible with the national project.

14. Do not accept the identification of free trade with the system now organized by the dominant powers. Agitate to change the rules. Base the agitation on national heresies and on pressure applied by the heretical powers both to (a) prevent the world system from entrenching as vested rights the interests of the dominant powers (interests reflected, for example, in the aggressive expansion of intellectual property rights, the exemption of first-world agriculture, and the grandfathering of first-world export subsidies) and (b) make the system more supportive of altenative national ways (either the many ways or the second way to the many ways).

15. In the organization of the world economy, struggle to diminish, by small but cumulative steps, the contrast between the mobility of capital and the immobility of labor.

16. Deny conclusive force to arguments of the form: any policy involving differential treatment (for example, differential tariffs or differential interest rates) may be best in theory but will not be best in practice, because all selectivity is an invitation to the marriage of dogmatism with favoritism. Refuse the choice between "laissez-faire" and collusion. To escape this Hobson's choice, forge the instruments for a decentralized coordination between government and private enterprise. And change the background conditions and constraints shaping the relation of government to the economy and the society (theses 17 and 18).

17. Do not count on policy makers. Count on politics. Work toward a high-energy but institutionalized politics, marked by a high level of civic engagement and the rapid resolution of impasse between branches of government.

18. Favor a more general, more equal, and more independent organization of civil society as a counterpart to the democratizing of the market and the deepening of democracy. Supplement the traditional devices of private law by a public-law framework for the organization of civil society outside the state.

19. Seek in all things creative and productive power, with the broadest possible social base, and sacrifice, when necessary, the confidence of international finance to the needs of the real economy. To this end, take advantage of contradictions among domestic as well as foreign interests (for example, differences between the interests or the prejudices of financial and industrial capital). Take care first, however, to put in place the conditions for a favorable outcome (high tax take and saving level, prospect for expansion of productive activity and opportunity, promising export strategies, selective capital controls).

20. Go to Harvard (or the equivalent) to master the respectable principles, and discover the accursed principles.

GLS

miércoles, 8 de abril de 2009

Христос Bоскрес


Воїстину воскрес!

(Es lo único que importa.)

GLS

Histórico


Siendo que este espacio ya rumbeó para el transitado lado de los tomates, aprovecho para expresar mi felicidad por el histórico evento del viernes próximo: Iorio y Lemmy, los colosos del metal pesado, se unen para reventar cabezas.

Comparto, en homenaje a las dos bandas más grandes del mundo, un par de letras inspiradoras, aunque crudas.

GLS

Por nacer - (Almafuerte)

Por nacer, en este suelo,
hice un pacto yo con Dios
o tal vez fue con el diablo, no lo sé.
Sólo recuerdo el mandato decidor,
de no callar lo que tanto se calló.

Después, parece no importarle
a quién parece no sentir.
Tal vez, porque guardando el pan
se cree dueño del buen vivir.

Pobre de él, el orejero cipayo del patrón.
De quien decreto o palazo manda sean ley.
Por mantener a resguardo el botín,
de los que matan con hambrea la nación.

Donde yo, soñando estoy morir
como quién soñando está crecer

Después, parece no importarle
a quien parece no sentir.
Tal vez prefiere olvidar,
por bien de su propio existir.

March or Die - (Motorhead)

The beast behind our eyes is loose,
The day has come, the day has come,
We march to Armageddon,
hungry for the war.

I see the hated enemy,
I see what I was taught to see.
And one of us will bend the knee.
We understand the law.

The blood lust jerks our legs to march.
Fife and drum, fife and drum.
Our eyes are fixed and fearless,
searching for the war.

Our statesmen deal in blood and lies,
100 million stifled cries,
100 million wasted lives
already gone before.

So March or Die, March or Die.
The stench of death is in the sky.
We never fail to satisfy.
We rend with tooth and claw.

Sword and shield and jackboot heel
We love to kill, we love to kill.
We love to taste our own blood
squirm in our own gore.

Children weep and widows wail.
Our education systems fail.
To hide our guilt we build more jails
and we shall build still more.

Our forests die, the stranglehold
that we put on the earth for gold
will yet increase ten thousand fold.
And no one knows what for.

March and die, March and die.
Defecate, despoil and lie.
Cheat, dissemble, preach & spy.
Build your house of straw.

Laugh and cry, laugh and cry.
Bloody sunset drowns the sky
for earth to heal then we must die.
No-one deserves it more.

I tell you we are doomed my friends.
Our time is come, our time is come.
We live within a charnel house,
rotten to the core.

We glorify lust, greed & pain.
We drown our hope in poison rain.
We point the finger, shift the blame.
Ambition makes us whores.

March or croak, march or croak.
All your lives a cosmic joke.
Fill your days with piss and smoke.
The wolf waits at your door.

Burn and dance, burn and dance.
Sex, death, torture, false romance.
Whoop and howl, you have no chance.
Burn and rise no more.